PART III. Chapter VII.

622

623

If by these grave mistakes, the Opposition, had thrown itself into a hopelessly defensive attitude, scarcely less maladroit were its aggressive attempts. Issues were raised, so transpa-rently false, as to offend the plainest common sense. Arbitrary arrests, interference with liberty of speech, ambitious despotism, and a general infraction of the Constitution, were resolutely charged upon Mr. Lincoln's administration. The people were told that their rights were recklessly trampled under foot. In fact, the Chicago Democratic platform—in anti-climatic eager-ness—averred that "the Constitution itself has been disre-garded in every part, and public liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the material prosperity of the country essentially impaired." By a curious infelicity, complaint was made of an alleged "direct interference of the military author-ity of the United States in the recent elections held in Ken-tucky, Maryland, Missouri, and Delaware," coupled with a threat of resistance by force of arms. Was it supposed that the people had so soon forgotten the military interference of the Opposition candidate, in arresting a whole legislature in Maryland, and forcibly preventing the intended steps toward " secession " ? Or that this action—the brightest in his career —was heartily approved by public opinion throughout the country? To deny the right of preventing the consummation of plotted treason, was only to claim immunity for treason, itself. And such waa, throughout, the spirit of this platform. It lamented restraints upon the liberties of traitors and their abettors; it arraigned the exercise of the war power, in meeting a war begun by rebels; it denounced the refusal of "the right of asylum" to a foreign slave-pirate; it grew indignant at "the employment of unusual test oaths," from which no loyal nerve ever suffered a twingle; and grieved over the strangely asserted

624

It is not surprising that Thompson and Sanders, those arch Rebels "in the confidential employment" of Jefferson Davis in Canada, promptly telegraphed their agent in Halifax, on the conclusion of this Chicago conclave, in the following terms: "Platform and Vice President satisfactory; speeches very sat-isfactory."Subsequent disclosures throw a lurid glare over these historic words. Humiliating enough it certainly was, for men not utterly lost to all sense of loyalty, and to all love of country, to receive such an indorsement from known traitors; but from traitors plotting the unparalleled iniquities which time was erelong to reveal, what could be more lastingly iniquitous than this approbation? In this view, some of the " very satisfactory " speeches become too strangely significant to be passed over as they might otherwise deserve. The reports to be quoted from appeared in the Chicago Times, a party organ of the opposition, and the speeches were made by delegates, either actually in the Convention, or at popular meetings outside, on that occasion.

A delegate— certainly not a " Senator " in Congress, as the reporter intimated; can it have been the identical Samuel S. Cox, of Ohio, who, two years before, when greatly in need of Republican votes to secure his election to Congress, called on his auditors in a strongly loyal county to give "three cheers for Abraham Lincoln" ? A delegate to the Chicago Demo-cratic National Convention was thus reported by the party organ on that occasion:

Senator Cox being introduced, said he did not want to use any harsh language toward Old Abe [cries of "give it to him"]. He had attempted in his own city, a few weeks since, to show, in a very quiet way, that Abraham Lincoln had deluged the country with blood, created a debt of four thou-

625

For less offenses than Mr. Lincoln had been guilty of, the English people had chopped off the head of the first Charles. In his opinion, Lincoln and Davis ought to be brought to the same block together. The other day they arrested a friend of his, a member of Congress from Missouri, for saying, in pri-vate conversation, that Lincoln was no better than Jeff. Davis. He was ready to say the same here now in Chicago.

Another Democratic orator and delegate, H. Clay Dean, of Iowa, is represented as follows in the same journal's report:

He said in the presence of the force of Camp Douglas, and all the satraps of Lincoln, that the American people were ruled by felons. Lincoln had never turned a dishonest man out of office or kept an honest one in. [A voice—" What have you to say of Jeff. Davis?"] I have nothing to say about him. Lincoln is engaged in a controversy with him, and I never interfere between black dogs.

And still the monster usurper wanted more men for his slaughter-pens. [Loud cries of "he shan't have more."] The careful husbandman, in deadening the forest, was always careful in preserving the young growth of timber; and in selecting his swine for the slaughter, he preserved the younger ones for future use. But the tyrant and despot who ruled this people to destruction paid no regard to age or condition. He desired to double the widowhood and duplicate the orphans. He blushed that such a felon should occupy the highest place in the gift of the people. Perjury and larceny were written over him as often as was "one dollar" on the one dollar bills of the Bank of the State of Indiana. [Cries of " the old villain."]

Ever since the usurper., traitor and tyrant had occupied the Presidential chair, the Republican party had shouted war to the knife, and the knife to the hilt. Blood had flowed in tor-rents, and yet the thirst of the old monster was not quenched. His cry was for more blood. A

delegate named Benjamin Allen, of New York, is reported in the same journal, to have said;

The people will soon rise, and if they can not put Lincoln out of power by the ballot they will by the bullet. [Loud cheers.]

626

The exposure of the " privy conspiracy and rebellion " in Indiana, and the trial of some of the leaders concerned therein, was not without effect upon the canvass. At first incredulous, the whole country was speedily startled by damning proofs of the reality of this treasonable secret order, and of the existence of designs even more reckless and wicked than were originally surmised. In an elaborate report, made on the 8th of October, Judge Advocate General Holt stated at length the purposes of this infamous order, as thus far shown by undoubted testimony, under the following heads :

1. Aiding soldiers to desert, and harboring and protecting deserters.
2. Discouraging enlistments, and resisting the draft.
3. Circulation of disloyal and treasonable publications.
4. Communicating with and giving intelligence to the enemy.
5. Aiding the enemy by recruiting for them, or assisting them to recruit, within our lines.
6. Furnishing the Rebels with arms, ammunition, etc.
7. Co-operating with the enemy in raids and invasions.
8. Destruction of Government property.
9. Destruction of private property and persecution of Union men.
10. Assassination and murder.
11. Establishment of a North-western Confederacy. In concluding his report, Judge Holt said:

627

But, although the treason of the Order has been thoroughly exposed, and although Its capacity for fatal mischief has, by means of the arrest of its leaders, the seizure of its arms, and the other vigorous means which have been pursued, been seriously impaired, it is still busied with its secret plottings against the Government, and with its perfidious designs in aid of the Southern rebellion. It is reported to have recently issued new signs and passwords, and its members assert that foul means will be used to prevent the success of the Administration at the coining election, and threaten an extended revolt in the event of the reflection of President Lincoln.

In the presence of the rebellion and this secret Order —which is but its echo and faithful ally— we can not but be amazed at the utter and wide-spread profligacy, personal and political, which these movements against the Government disclose. The guilty men engaged in them, after casting aside their allegiance, seem to have trodden under foot every sentiment of honor and every restraint of law, human and Divine. Judea produced but one Judas Iscariot, and Rome, from the sinks of her demoralization, produced but one Cataline, and yet, as events prove, there has arisen together in our land an entire brood of such traitors, all animated by the same parricidal spirit, and all struggling with the same relentless malignity for the dismemberment of our Union. Of this extraordinary phenomenon—not paralleled, it is believed, in the world's history—there can be but one explanation, and all these blackened and fetid streams of crime may well be traced to the same common fountain. So fiercely intolerant and imperious was the temper engendered by slavery, that when the Southern people, after having controlled the national councils for half a century, were beaten at an election, their leaders turned upon the Government with the insolent fury with which they would have drawn their revolvers on a rebellious slave in one of their negro quarters ; and they have continued since to prosecute their warfare, amid all the barbarisms and atrocities naturally and necessarily inspired by the infernal institution in whose interests they are sacrificing alike themselves and their country. Many of these conspirators, as is well known, were fed, clothed, and educated at the expense of the nation, and were loaded with, its honors at the very moment they struck at its life with the horrid criminality of a son stabbing the bosom of his own mother while impressing kisses on his cheeks. The leaders of the traitors in the loyal States, who so completely fraternize with these conspirators, and whose machinations are now unmasked, it is as clearly the duty of the Administration to prosecute and punish, as it is its duty to

628

The deadly spirit of hatred to the Government, and of affinity with treason, thus forcibly and truthfully described, had been more or less exhibited in the North from the beginning of the rebellion. Vallandigham, fitly chosen as the head of this organization, had defiantly affirmed, before war actually began, that he would resist any attempt to coerce the Seceders—that any armed force going from his district to subjugate the South should "march over his dead body " before they left the State.* His conduct was accordant with this promise of aid to the Rebel cause. In the course of his efforts of this nature, as mentioned in previous pages, he had been arrested, subjected to a military trial, refused a writ of habeas corpus, on appeal to the civil courts, and sent through the lines of the Rebel army. Escaping on a blockade-runner, he had arrived in Canada, somewhat in advance of Thompson, Clay and Sanders. From thence he escaped in the summer of 1864, after the latter traitors "in the confidential employment" of the Richmond "government" had become fully installed at Montreal, Niagara Falls, and Toronto.

It was in behalf of this Vallandigham and such precious patriots as he, that the great outcry concerning arbitrary arrests and the suspension of the habeas corpus was made. In May. 1863, a "Democratic" meeting held at Albany, had seen fit to pass resolutions on this subject, and to inclose them to President Lincoln. His reply is an exhaustive one, and may fitly be reproduced here, as a masterly and unanswerable vindication of the Administration from every assault of this character, no less than as a clear exposition of constitutional law that will have a lasting remembrance and authority.

* This statement is made on evidence which the writer had at the very time, and which, despite a subsequent denial, was definitely proved by witnesses of unquestioned veracity.

629

HON. ERASTUS CORNING and others— Gentlemen: Your letter of May 19th, inclosing the resolutions of a public meeting held at Albany, New York, on the 16th of the same month, was received several days ago.

The resolutions, as I understand them, are resolvable into two propositions— first, the expression of a purpose to sustain the cause of the Union, to secure peace through victory, and to support the Administration in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion; and, secondly, a declaration of censure upon the Administration for supposed unconstitutional action, such as the making of military arrests. And from the two propositions a third is deduced, which is, that the gentlemen composing the meeting are resolved on doing their part to maintain our common Government and country, despite the folly or wickedness, as they may conceive, of any Administration. This position is eminently patriotic, and as such I thank the meeting and congratulate the nation for it. My own purpose is the same, so that the meeting and myself have a common object, and can have no difference, except in the choice of means or measures for effecting that object.

And here I ought to close this paper, and would close It, if there were no apprehension that more injurious consequences than any merely personal to myself might follow the censures systematically cast upon me for doing what, in my view of duty, I could not forbear. The resolutions promise to support me in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion, and I have not knowingly employed, nor shall knowingly employ any other. But the meeting, by their resolutions, assert and argue that certain military arrests, and proceedings following them, for which I am ultimately responsible, are unconstitutional. I think they are not. The resolutions quote from the Constitution the definition of treason, and also the limiting safeguards and guarantees therein provided for the citizen on trial for treason, and on his being held to answer for capital, or otherwise infamous crimes, and in criminal prosecutions, his right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury. They proceed to resolve, " that these safeguards of the rights of the citizen against the pretensions of arbitrary power were intended more especially, for his protection in times of civil commotion."

And, apparently to demonstrate the proposition, the resolu-

630

Prior to my installation here, it bad been inculcated that any State had a lawful right to secede from the National Union, and that it would be expedient to exercise the right whenever the devotees of the doctrine should fail to elect a President to their own liking. I was elected contrary to their liking, and accordingly, so far as it was legally possible, they had taken seven States out of the Union, and had seized many of the United States forts, and had fired upon the United States flag, all before I was inaugurated, and, of course, before I had done any official act whatever. The rebellion thus began, soon ran into the present civil war; and, in certain respects, it began on very unequal terms between the parties. The insurgents had been preparing for it more than thirty years, while the Government had taken no steps to resist them. The former had care-fully considered all the means which could be turned to their

631

Ours is a case of rebellion— so called by the resolutions before me— in fact a clear, fragrant and gigantic case of rebellion; and the provision of the Constitution that " the privilege

632

633

634

I understand the meeting whose resolutions I am considering to be in favor of suppressing the rebellion by military force— by armies. Long experience has shown that armies can not be maintained unless desertions shall be punished by the severe penalty of death. The ease requires, and the law and the Constitution sanction, this punishment. Must I shoot a simple-minded soldier boy who deserts, while I must not touch a hair of a wily agitator who induces him to desert ? This is none the less injurious when effected by getting a father, or brother, or friend, into a public meeting, and there working upon his feelings till he is persuaded to write the soldier boy that he is fighting in a bad cause, for a wicked Administration of a contemptible Government, too weak to arrest and punish him if he shall desert. I think that in such a ease to silence the agitator and save the boy is not only constitutional, but withal a great mercy.

If I be wrong on this question of constitutional power, my error lies in believing that certain proceedings are constitutional when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety requires them, which would not be constitutional when, in the absence of rebellion or invasion, the public safety does not require them ; in other words, that the Constitution is not, in its application, in all respects the same—in cases of rebellion or invasion involving the public safety, as it is in time of profound peace and public security. , The Constitution itself makes the distinction; and I can no more be persuaded that the Government can constitutionally take no strong measures in time of rebellion, because it can be shown that the same could not be lawfully taken in time of peace, than I can be persuaded that a particular drug is not good medicine for a sick man, because it can be shown not to be good food for a well one. Nor am I able to appreciate the danger apprehended by the meeting, that the American people will, by means of military arrests during the rebellion, lose the right of public discussion, the liberty of speech and the press, the law of evidence, trial by jury, and habeas corpus, throughout the indefinite peaceful future, which I trust lies before them, any more than I am able to believe that a man could contract so strong an appetite for emetics, during temporary illness, as to persist in feeding upon them during the remainder of his healthful life.

In giving the resolutions that earnest consideration which you request of me, I can not overlook the fact that the meeting speak as " Democrats." Nor can I, with full respect for their known intelligence, and the fairly presumed deliberation with which they prepared their resolutions, be permitted to suppose

635

And the name of Jackson recalls an incident of pertinent history : After the battle of New Orleans, and while the fact that the treaty of peace had been concluded was well known in the city, but before official knowledge of it tad arrived, Gen. Jackson still maintained martial or military law. Now that it could be said the war was over, the clamor against martial law, which had existed from the first grew more furious. Among other things, a Mr. Louiallier published a denunciatory newspaper article. Gen. Jackson arrested him. A lawyer by the name of Morrel procured the United States Judge Hall to issue a writ of habeas corpus to relieve Mr. Louiallier. Gen. Jackson arrested both the lawyer and the Judge. A Mr. Hollander ventured to say of some part of the matter that " it was a dirty trick." Gen. Jackson arrested him. When the officer undertook to serve the writ of habeas corpus, Gen. Jackson took it from him, and sent him away with a copy. Holding the judge in custody a few days, the General sent him beyond the limits of his encampment, and set him at liberty, with an order to remain till the ratification of peace should be regularly announced, or until the British should have left the Southern coast. A day or two more elapsed, the ratification of a treaty of peace was regularly announced, and the judge and others

636

It may be remarked : First, that we had the same Constitution then as now; secondly, that we then had a case of invasion, and now we have a case of rebellion ; and, thirdly, that the permanent right of the people to public discussion, the liberty of speech and of the press, the trial by jury, the law of evidence, and the habeas corpus, suffered no detriment what-ever by that conduct of General Jackson, or its subsequent approval by the American Congress.

And yet, let me say that, in my own discretion, I do not know whether I would have ordered the arrest of Mr. Vallandigham. While I can not shift the responsibility from myself, I hold that, as a general rule, the commander in the field is the better judge of the necessity in any particular case. Of course, I must practice a general directory and revisory power in the matter.

One of the resolutions expresses the opinion of the meeting that arbitrary arrests will have the effect to divide and distract those who should be united in suppressing the rebellion, and I am specifically called on to discharge Mr. Vallandigham. I regard this as, at least, a fair appeal to me on the expediency of exercising a constitutional power which I think exists. In response to such appeal, I have to say, it gave me pain when I learned that Mr. Vallandigham had been arrested —that is, I was pained that there should have seemed to be a necessity for arresting him— and that it will afford me great pleasure to discharge him as soon as I can, by any means believe the public safety will not suffer by it. I further say that, as the war progresses, it appears to me, opinion and action which were in great confusion at first, take shape and fall into more regular channels, so that the necessity for strong dealing with them gradually decreases. I have every reason to desire that it should cease altogether ; and far from the least is my regard for the opinions and wishes of those who, like the meeting at Albany, declare their purpose to sustain the Government in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion. Still, I must continue to do so much as may seem to be required by public safety,
A. LINCOLN.

637

THE PRESIDENT'S REPLY TO THE COMMITTEE FROM OHIO
URGING THE RECALL OF MR. VALLANDIGHAM.
WASHINGTON, June 29, 1863.

GENTLEMEN: The resolutions of the Ohio Democratic State Convention, which you present me, together with your introductory and closing remarks, being, in position and argument, mainly the same as the resolutions of the Democratic meeting at Albany, New York, I refer you to my response to the latter as meeting most of the points in the former,

This response you evidently used in preparing your remarks, and I desire no more than that it be used with accuracy. In a single reading of your remarks, I only discovered one inaccuracy in matter which I suppose you took from that paper. It is where you say, " The undersigned are unable to agree with. you in the opinion you have expressed that the Constitution is different in time of insurrection or invasion from what it is in time of peace and public security."

A recurrence to the paper will show you that I have not expressed the opinion you suppose. I expressed the opinion that the Constitution is different in its application in cases of rebellion or invasion involving the public safety, from what it is in times of profound peace and public security. And this opinion I adhere to, simply because, by the Constitution itself, things may be done in the one case which may not be done in the other.

I dislike to waste a word on a merely personal point, but I must respectfully assure you that you will find yourselves at fault should you ever seek for evidence to prove your assumption that I "opposed, in discussions before the people, the policy of the Mexican War."

You say: "Expunge from the Constitution this limitation upon the power of Congress to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, and yet the other guarantees of personal liberty would remain unchanged." Doubtless, if this clause of the Consti-

638

My general view on this question was stated in the Albany response, and hence I do not state it now. I only add that, as seems to me, the benefit of the writ of habeas corpus is the great means through which the guarantees of personal liberty are conserved and made available in the last resort; and corroborative of this view is the fact that Mr. Vallandigham, in the very case in question, under the advice of able lawyers, saw not where else to go but to the habeas corpus. But by the Constitution, the benefit of the writ of habeas corpus itself may be suspended, when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it.

You ask, in substance, whether I really claim that I may override all the guaranteed rights of individuals, on the plea of conserving the public safety—when I may choose to say the public safety requires it. This question, divested of the phrase-ology calculated to represent me as struggling for an arbitrary personal prerogative, is either simply a question who shall decide, or an affirmation that nobody shall decide, what the public safety does require in cases of rebellion or invasion. The Constitution contemplates the question as likely to occur for decision, but it does not expressly declare who is to decide it. By necessary implication, when rebellion, or invasion comes, the decision is to be made from time to time; and I think the man whom, for the time, the people have, under the Constitution, made their Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy, is the man who holds the power and bears the responsibility of making it. If he uses the power justly, the same people will probably justify him ; if he abuses it, he is in their hands, to be dealt with by all the modes they have reserved to themselves in the Constitution.

The earnestness with which you insist that persons can only, in times of rebellion, be lawfully dealt with in accordance with the rules for criminal trials and punishments in times of peace, induces me to add a word to what I said on that point in the Albany response. You claim that men may, if they choose, embarrass those whose duty it is to combat a giant rebellion. and then be dealt with only in turn as if there were no rebel-

639

I am unable to perceive an insult to Ohio in the case of Mr. Vallandigharn. Quite surely nothing of this sort was or is intended. I was wholly unaware that Mr. Vallandigham was, at the time of his arrest, a candidate for the Democratic nomination for Governor, until so informed by your reading to me the resolutions of the convention. I am grateful to the State of Ohio for many things, especially for the brave soldiers and officers she has given, in the present National trial, to the armies of the Union.

You claim, as I understand, that, according to my own position in the Albany response, Mr. Vallandigham should be released ; and this because, as you claim, he has not damaged the military service by discouraging enlistments, encouraging desertions, or otherwise ; and that if he had, he should have been turned over to the civil authorities under the recent act of Congress. I certainly do not know that Mr. Vallandigham has specifically and by direct language advised against enlistments and in favor of desertions and resistance to drafting. We all know that combinations, armed, in some instances, to resist the arrest of deserters, began several months ago ; that more recently the like has appeared in resistance to the enrollment preparatory to a draft; and that quite a number of assassinations have occurred from the same animus. These had to be met by military force, and this again has led to bloodshed and death. And now, under a sense of responsibility more weighty and enduring than any which is merely official, I solemnly declare my belief that this hindrance of the military, including maiming and murder, is due to the cause in which Mr. Vallandigham has been engaged, in a greater degree than to any other cause ; and it is due to him personally in a greater degree than to any other man.

These things have been notorious, known to all, and of course known to Mr. Vallandigham. Perhaps I would not be wrong

640

With all this before their eyes, the convention you represent have nominated Mr. Vallandigham for governor of Ohio, and both they and you have declared the purpose to sustain the National Union by all constitutional means, but, of course, they and you, in common, reserve to yourselves to decide what are constitutional means, and, unlike the Albany meeting, you omit to state or intimate that, in your opinion, an army is a constitutional means of saving the Union against a rebellion, or even to intimate that you are conscious of an existing rebellion being in progress with the avowed object of destroying that very Union. At the same time, your nominee for governor, in whose behalf you appeal, is known to you, and to the world, to declare against the use of an army to suppress the rebellion. Your own attitude, therefore, encourages desertion, resistance to the draft, and the like, because it teaches those who incline to desert and to escape the draft to believe it is your purpose to protect them, and the hope that you will become strong enough to do so.

After a personal intercourse with you, gentlemen of the committee, I can not say I think you desire this effect to follow your attitude; but I assure you that both friends and enemies of the Union look upon it in this light. It is a substantial hope, and by consequence, a real strength to the enemy. If it is a false hope, and one which you would willingly dispel, I will make the way exceedingly easy. I send you duplicates of this letter, in order that you, or a majority of you, may, if you choose, indorse your names upon one of them, and return it thus indorsed to me, with the understanding that those signing are thereby committed to the following propositions, and to nothing else : 1. That there is now a rebellion in the United States, the object and tendency of which is to destroy the National Union; and that, in your opinion, an army and navy are constitutional means for suppressing that rebellion.

641

2. That no one of you will do any thing which, in his own judgment, will tend to hinder the increase, or favor the decrease, or lessen the efficiency of the Army and Navy, while engaged in the effort to suppress that rebellion; and—

3. That each of you will in his sphere, do all he can to have the officers, soldiers, and seamen of the Army and Navy, while engaged in the effort to suppress the rebellion, paid, fed, clad, and otherwise well provided and supported.

And with the further understanding that upon receiving the letter and names thus indorsed, I will cause them to be published, which publication shall be, within itself, a revocation of the order in relation to Mr. Vallandigham.

It will not escape observation that I consent to the release of Mr. Vallandigham upon terms not embracing any pledge from him or from others as to what he will or will not do. I do this because he is not present to speak for himself, or to authorize others to speak for him ; and hence I shall expect that on returning he would not put himself practically in antagonism with the position of his friends But I do it chiefly because I thereby prevail on other influential gentlemen of Ohio to so define their position as to be of immense value to the army—thus more than compensating for the consequences of any mistake in allowing Mr. Vallandigham to return, so that, on the whole, the public safety will not have suffered by it. Still, in regard to Mr. Vallandigham and all others, I must hereafter, as heretofore, do so much as the public service may seem to require.
I have the honor to be, respectfully, yours, etc.,
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

The gentlemen addressed, many of whom were members elect of the Thirty-eighth Congress, were quite indisposed to comply with the easy terms proposed by the President as a condition for the release of their chosen leader. They allowed him still to pine in exile, over the border, and apparently hoped to turn his "cruel wrongs" to political account. In this, however, they were greatly miscalculating the intelligence and loyalty of the people, who saw nothing to admire in such a political character. The verdict of Ohio, in the following October, repudiating Vallandigham by more than one hundred thousand majority, was sufficient to show the popular judgment on this question. Why, then, renew the issue in the

642

Vallandigham had suddenly appeared at a district convention held in Butler county, Ohio, on the 15th of June, 1864. After more than a year's absence, he defiantly released him-self, and probably counted upon promised resistance by organized force, on his anticipated re-arrest, as the act which was to fire the secretly-prepared train of revolution in the North-west. He was chosen a delegate to the Chicago convention, and " instructed to favor the nomination of no man who is either directly or indirectly committed to the further prosecution of this war." The resolutions of this local convention, in the same spirit, declared " that the history of the past three years has already demonstrated the utter hopelessness, as well as the gigantic wrong, of a further continuance of the present conflict." Had Sanders himself appeared on the scene, the budget of resolutions could not have been more acceptable to Jefferson Davis. But any serious danger from Vallandigham's influence was no longer to be dreaded. He had already suffered a year's exile. He had been repudiated by the people of his own State. No notice was taken of his escape at Washington. Henceforth he had entire freedom of locomotion, and liberty of speech.

A more potent influence from Canada was that of the Rebel funds dispensed at the will of Jacob Thompson. Three days before the Chicago convention, he had procured $250,000 in " greenback" notes, obviously for use in the loyal States. Evidence was given, on the trial of the Indiana conspirators, going to show that money for arming their secret Order was obtained from the same source. Later in the season, as the Opposition cause became more desperate, the Rebel funds under the control of Thompson, as purser, were employed in furthering schemes too fiendish for belief, were they not definitely and clearly proved. The seizure of steamboats on Lake Erie; the release of prisoners at Johnson's Island, Camp Chase, and elsewhere ; attacks upon border towns, to be attended with conflagrations, pillage and murder; and robberies of banks, plunderings of villages, and massacres of non-belligerents, were

643

The active canvass was to be short, and the first election after the "Democratic" nominations and platform were announced —that occurring in the State of Vermont, where there was little room to improve on previous elections, and every effort was made by the Opposition to insure an Administration loss—was regarded with anxious interest, as indicating the direction of the popular current. The result gratified the friends of the Administration, and disheartened its enemies, there being a decided increase of the Union majority of the previous year, and the vote being more than two to one for the Administration ticket. Maine soon followed, with, a large majority on the same side. It was no longer doubtful that the Republican Union party was united and true in the support of Lincoln and Johnson. On the second Tuesday in October, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana were to hold their State elections. The results would be conclusive as to the Presidential election. In Ohio and Indiana the Administration majorities were unprecedentedly large— 54,751 in the former, and 20,883 in the latter— and in Pennsylvania, where there was no general ticket, the Union aggregate majority for members of Congress, though small, was decisive. These elections settled the political character of the next Congress. In the previous House of Representatives, Ohio had but five Administration members, to fourteen Opposition. At this election, seventeen Administration Representatives were chosen, and two Opposition. In Indiana, where a Democratic Legislature had refused to the soldiers in the field the right of voting, eight Administration Representatives were returned, and three Opposition, against four Administration and seven Opposition members in the previous House. In Pennsylvania, sixteen Admin

644

The State elections disclosed very clearly, what the Opposition had hitherto earnestly disputed, that our gallant soldiers in the field were so firmly attached to Abraham Lincoln, and regarded him as so fully the representative of the cause on behalf of which they were breasting the bayonets and bullets of the Rebels in the field, that no devotion to a military commander—least of all to one who had only led his army to defeat or to indecisive victory—could seduce them into the support of a party whose success was earnestly desired by the enemy they were fighting. With a unanimity which the exceptions only rendered more emphatic, they supported the administration tickets, while winning victories that doubly helped the Union cause—in their front and in the rear.

No one more deeply and sincerely felt the unbounded obligations of the country to the men of the Army and Navy, or was more ready on all occasions to recognize their services than did President Lincoln. In a note to the Postmaster General, early in the summer, he expressed his wish that a preference should be given, in his appointments, so far as practicable, to the men who had thus proved their devotion to the Republic. There was no topic to which he recurred more naturally, or on which he spoke with more emotion, on public occasions, than the heroic sacrifices made by our soldiers and seamen. He was tenderly conscious of the kind sentiments manifested by them, in so many ways, toward himself personally. To have been reflected without their hearty support, or in spite of their votes for another, would have poorly compensated the loss, to his heart, of their sympathy and preference.

An important service was rendered, during the season, by a portion of the militia force of several Western States, who were called out for a term of one hundred days, mainly during the interval between, the expiration of the time of a large num-

645

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON CITY, October 1, 1864.

Special Executive Order, returning thanks to the volunteers for one hundred days from the States of Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin.—The term of one hundred days, for which volunteers from the States of Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin volunteered, under the call of their respective Governors, in the months of May and June, to aid in the recent campaign of General Sherman, having expired, the President directs an official acknowledgment to be made of their patriotic service. It was their good fortune to render effective service in the brilliant operations in the South-west, and to contribute to the victories of the national arms over the Rebel forces in Georgia, under the command of Johnston and Hood. On all occasions, and in every service to which they were assigned, their duty, as patriotic volunteers, was performed with alacrity and courage, for which they are entitled, and are hereby tendered, the national thanks, through the Governors of their respective States.

The Secretary of War is directed to transmit a copy of this order to the Governors of Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin, and to cause a certificate of this honorable service to be delivered to the officers and soldiers of the States above named, who recently served in the military forces of the United States, as volunteers for one hundred days.
A. LINCOLN.

On the 12th of October, the day following the elections, a vote was taken by tbe people of Maryland on the New State Constitution adopted by their convention, in regard to which the main issue was the section providing for immediate and unconditional emancipation. The result made Maryland for-ever a free State. The contest had been an earnest one. In the strongly Secession counties, the proslavery vote was

646

In honor of this great event, when the result was finally ascertained, a party of loyal Marylanders, with accessions to their number from other residents in Washington, serenaded President Lincoln at the Executive Mansion, on the evening of October 19th. In reply to this call, Mr. Lincoln said:

Friends and Fellow Citizens: I am notified that this is a compliment paid me by the loyal Marylanders resident in this District. I infer that the adoption of the new Constitution for that State furnishes the occasion, and that in your view the extirpation of slavery constitutes the chief merit of the new Constitution. Most heartily do I congratulate you and Maryland and the nation, and the world upon the event. I regret that it did not occur two years sooner, which I am sure would have saved to the nation more money than would have met all the private loss incident to the measure. But it has come at last, and I sincerely hope its friends may fully realize all their anticipations of good from it, and that its opponents may by its effect be agreeably and profitably disappointed.

A word upon another subject. Something was said by the Secretary of State, in his recent speech at Auburn, which has been construed by some into a threat that if I should be beaten at the election, I will, between then and the end of my constitutional term, do what I may be able to ruin the Government. Others regard the fact that the Chicago Convention adjourned, not sine die, but to meet again if called to do so by a particular individual, as the intimation of a purpose that if their nominee shall be elected he will at once seize control of the Government.

647

If they should deliberately resolve to have immediate peace, even at the loss of their country and their liberties, I know not the power or the right to resist them. It is their own business, and they must do as they please with their own. I believe, however, they are still resolved to preserve their country and their liberty, and in this, in office or out of it, I am resolved to stand by them.

I may add that in this purpose, to save the country and its liberties, no classes of people seem so nearly unanimous as the soldiers in the field and the seamen afloat. Do they not have the hardest of it? Who should quail while they do not?

God bless the soldiers and seamen, with all their brave commanders.

It is now known that communication was kept up between the Rebel cabal in Canada and the men at Richmond, in whose "confidential employment" they were, by means of special messengers passing through the States. Directly after the October elections, a dispatch in cipher, which has since come into the possession of the Government, was sent from Canada to headquarters, found to contain the following language, under date of October 13th, 1864:

We again urge our gaining immediate advantages. Strain every nerve for victory. We now look upon the reelection of Lincoln as certain, and we need to whip the hirelings to prevent it. Besides, with Lincoln reflected, and his armies victorious, we need not hope even for recognition, much less the help mentioned in our last. Holcombe will explain this. Our friend shall be immediately set to work as you direct.

648

"Your letter of the 13th inst., is at hand. There is yet time enough to colonize many voters before November. A blow will shortly be stricken here. It is not quite time. Gen. Longstreet is to attack Sheridan without delay, and then move north, as far as practicable, toward unprotected points. This will be made instead of the movements before mentioned. He will endeavor to assist the Republicans in the collection of their ballots. Be watchful, and assist him."

"Plaquemine" days hopefully revive in the memory of trusty Benjamin. Votes for McClellan must be "colonized." May we not at least carry New York, and save Governor Seymour to the cause? Grant is shortly to be attacked (as it has already been seen he was, a little after this date—with poor results to the attacking party). Longstreet is to attack Gen. Sheridan at once—as he or Early did this very day, at Cedar Creek with what result we know. It was not to be the fortune of Longstreet—near as the object seemed to be, for a few hours on that memorable 19th of October—to collect Republican ballots. Sheridan the rather, before night closed upon them, was busy in collecting his enemy's standards, his small arms, his two or three score of cannon, his scattering host. But Longstreet had at least gallantly done his best for McClellan and Pendleton. Benjamin must rely solely, now,

649

The Baltimore Convention, which expressed the will of the people, but without the power conferred upon their earlier elected Representatives in Congress, had recognized Tennessee as a loyal State, not only by admitting her delegation with full powers, but also by nominating one of her heroic sons to the office of Vice President. It was not strange that the people of this State should consequently desire to vote. To guard this sacred privilege from desecration by traitors, Governor Johnson, at the request of a State Convention, had prescribed certain regulations to govern the election, such as his own experience, and his knowledge of the people led him to adopt. A McClellan electoral ticket had already been nominated, and the gentlemen whose names appeared thereon felt aggrieved that Rebels, sympathizing with their candidates and platform, should find any obstacles in the way of their voting. These candidates for electors consequently waited upon President Lincoln, with a memorial on the subject. Fully appreciating, as he did, the real frivolousness of their complaints, and that their zeal to make political capital for their friends in other States, by this very paper, was quite equal to their concern about carrying the vote of Tennessee, the validity of which was at least doubtful, and which in fact was not ultimately received, Mr. Lincoln, bestowed no great amount of time on the petitioners. Their interruption of his more important business with such a paper, no doubt seemed to him a little impertinent. Soon after, however, he addressed to this delegation, and furnished to the public press, a reply containing their memorial at length, the proclamation of Governor Johnson complained of, and a few characteristic words of his own, disposing of the whole matter. This document, omitting certain unimportant portions as indicated, is in the following words:

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
October 22, 1864.

Messrs. Wm. B. Campbell, Thos. A. R. Nelson, James T. B. Carter, John Williams, A. Blizzard, Henry Cooper, Bailie Peyton, John Lellyett, Em. Etheridge. John D. Perryman: 55

650

To his Excellency, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States:

SIR : The undersigned, loyal citizens of the United States and of the State of Tennessee, on our own behalf and on behalf of the loyal people of our State, ask leave to submit this Protest against the Proclamation of his Excellency Andrew Johnson, Military Governor, ordering an election to be held for President and Vice President, under certain regulations and restrictions therein set forth. A printed copy of said proclamation is herewith inclosed.

The Constitution of the United States provides that "Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors," etc. Under this provision of the Federal Constitution, the Legislature of Tennessee, years before the present rebellion, prescribed the mode of election to be observed, which will be found to differ essentially from the mode prescribed by the Military Governor. We herewith inclose a copy of the law of Tennessee governing the holding of said election.

The Military Governor expressly assumes, by virtue of authority derived from the President, to so alter and amend the election law of Tennessee, (enacted under authority of the Constitution of the United States, as above set forth), as to make the same conform to his own edict as set forth in the proclamation aforesaid.

He assumes so to modify our law as to admit persons to vote at the said election who are not entitled to vote under the law and the Constitution of Tennessee. Instance this : our Con¬stitution and law require that each voter shall be "a citizen of the county wherein he may offer his vote, for six months next preceding the day of election ;" while the Governor's order only requires that he shall (with other qualifications named) be a citizen of Tennessee for six months, etc. This provision would admit to vote many persons not entiled by law.

We will, for the sake of brevity, pass over some less important points of conflict between the proclamation and the law, but will instance in this place another. By our law it is pro-

651

We solemnly protest against these infringements of our law conflicting as they do with the very letter of the Federal Constitution, because they are without authority, and because they will prevent a free, fair, and true expression of the will of the loyal people of Tennessee.

But we protest still more emphatically against the most unusual and impracticable test oath which it is proposed to require of all citizen voters in Tennessee. A citizen qualified to vote, and whose loyalty can not be " disproved by other testimony," is to be required to swear, first, that he "will hence-forth support the Constitution of the United States and defend it against all enemies." This obligation we are willing to renew daily; but this is not yet deemed a sufficient test of loyalty, He is required to make oath and subscribe to a mass of vair repetitions concerning his activity as a friend of the Union and the enemy of its enemies—concerning his desires, his hopes and fears—and that he finds it in his heart to rejoice over the scenes of blood, and of wounds, of anguish and death, wherein his friends, his kindred, his loved ones are slain, or maimed, or made prisoners of war—whereby the land of his birth or adoption is made desolate, and lamentation and mourning are spread over the whole nation. While all the civilized world stands aghast in contemplation of the unequaled horrors of our tremendous strife, the citizen of Tennessee is called upon by her military Governor, under your authority, to swear that in these things he finds occasion to rejoice! As if this were still not enough, the citizen is further required to swear to the indefinite prolongation of this war, as follows: "That I will cordially oppose all armistices or negotiations for peace with rebels in arms, until the Constitution of the United States, and all laws and proclamations made in pursuance thereof, shall be established over all the people of every State and Territory embraced within the National Union ;" until (in brief) the war shall be at an end. Now, we freely avow to your Excellency, and to the world, that we earnestly desire the return of peace and good-will to our now unhappy country—that we seek neither pleasure, profit, nor honor in the perpetuation of war—that we should feel bound, as Christians, as patriots and as civilized men —that we are bound by the oaths we have taken— to countenance and encourage any negotiations which may be entered into by the proper authorities, with the intent

652

You will not have forgotten, that in the month of July last, you issued the following proclamation:

"EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, July 8, 1864.

"To whom it may concern:

"Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and with an authority that can control the armies now at war against the United States, will be received and considered by the Executive Government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on other substantial and collateral points; and the bearer or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both ways.
"ABRAHAM LINCOLN."

This is certainly a proposition to treat with Rebels in arms— with their chiefs. Are we now to understand by this proclamation of one acting under your authority, and himself a candidate with you for the second office, that even the above proposition is withdrawn—that you will henceforth have no negotiations upon any terms, but unrelenting war to the bitter end? Or, are we to understand, that while you hold this proposition open, or yourself free to act as your judgment may dictate, we, the citizens of Tennessee, shall swear to OPPOSE your negotiations?

In the next breath, the voter who has been thus qualified, is required to swear that he will "heartily aid and assist the loyal people in whatever measures may be adopted for the attainment of these ends." Adopted by whom? The oath does not say. We can not tell what measures may be adopted. We can not comment upon the absurdity of the obligation here imposed, without danger of departing from that respectful propriety of language which we desire to preserve in addressing the Chief Magistrate of the American people. But this is the clause of an oath which the candidate for the Vice Presidency requires at the lips of the loyal and qualified voters of Tennessee,

653

For these reasons, and others, which, for the sake of brevity, we omit, we solemnly protest against the interference of the Military Grovernor with the freedom of the elective franchise in Tennessee. We deny his authority and yours, to alter, amend, or annul any law of Tennessee. We demand that Tennessee be allowed to appoint her Electors, as expressly provided by the Federal Constitution, which you have sworn to support, protect, and defend, in the manner which the Legislature thereof has prescribed. And to that end, we respectfully demand of you, as the principal under whose authority this order has been issued, that the same shall be revoked. We ask that all military interference shall be withdrawn so far as to allow the loyal men of Tennessee a full and free election. By the loyal men of Tennessee we mean those who have not participated in the rebellion, or given it aid and comfort; or who may have complied with such terms of amnesty as have been offered them under your authority.

On the 8th day of December, 1863, you, as President, issued a proclamation, declaring that "a full pardon is hereby granted, with restoration of all rights of property," &c., to each of our citizens having participated, directly or by implication, in the existing rebellion, (with certain exceptions,) " upon the condition that every such person shall take and subscribe an oath, and thenceforward keep and maintain said oath inviolate." And it is further provided in the Proclamation aforesaid, that in the contingency of the reorganization of a State Government in Tennessee, or certain other States named, the persons having taken the oath referred to, being otherwise qualified by tbe election law of the State, shall be entitled to vote. The under-signed would state, that many of our citizens have complied, in good faith, with the terms of amnesty proposed in your proclamation aforesaid, and are, therefore, by reason of the full pardon granted them, fully entitled to vote and exercise all other rights belonging to loyal citizens, without let or hindrance; and we respectfully appeal to you as President of the United States, to make good your promise of pardon to these citizens, by the removal of all other and further hindrance to the exercise of the elective franchise.

But if it be claimed upon the plea of military necessity, that guards and restrictions shall be thrown around the ballot-box in Tennessee, we still ask the withdrawal of the Proclamation of the Military Grovernor, because the conditions thereby imposed upon the loyal men of Tennessee as a qualification for voting are irrelevant, unreasonable, and not in any sense a test

654

The convention to which Gov. Johnson refers was a mere partisan meeting, having no authority, and not representing the loyal men of Tennessee, in any sense.

The names of the signers of this protest have been placed before the people of Tennessee as candidates for Electors, who, if chosen, are expected to cast the electoral vote of Tennessee for George B. McClellan for President, and George H. Pendleton for Vice President. By virtue of such position, it becomes our province especially to appear before you in the attitude we do. We are aware that grave questions may arise, in any event, with regard to the regularity of the vote in Tennessee, in consequence of the partially disorganized condition of the State. The friends of your re-election, however, announced an electoral ticket; and the public became aware that preparations were being made for the holding of the election, leaving that matter no longer a question. Some time thereafter, our electoral ticket was placed before the public, and within a few days followed the proclamation complained of. We, for ourselves and those we represent, are willing to leave all questions involving the right of Tennessee to participate in the election to the decision of competent authority.

[Here follow the names of the ten signers as given at the beginning of this letter.]

PROCLAMATION. BY
THE GOVERNOR.
STATE OF TENNESSEE, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
NASHVILLE, TENN., Sept. 30th, 1864.

WHEREAS, A respectable portion of the loyal people of Tennessee, representing a large number of the counties of the State, and supposed to reflect the will of the Union men in

655

2. Resolved, That the people of Tenneessee, who are now and have been attached to the National Union, do hold an election for President and Vice-President in the ensuing election in November

3. That the electors shall be the following and no others; the same being free white men, twenty-one years of age, citizens of the United States, and for six months previous to the election, citizens of the State of Tennessee—

1st. And who have voluntarily borne arms in the service of the United States during the present war, and who are either in the service or have been honorably discharged.

2d. All the known active friends of the Government of the United States in each county.

4. Resolved, That the citizen electors designated in the foregoing resolutions shall, at least fifteen days before the election, register their names with an agent to be appointed for that purpose, and no citizen not thus registered shall be allowed to vote. Such registration shall be open to the public for inspection, and to be executed according to such regulations as may hereafter be prescribed : Provided that the officers of the election, in the discharge of their duty, may reject any party so registered on proof of disloyalty.

5. Resolved, That, as means for ascertaining the qualifications of the voters, the registers and officers holding the election may examine the parties on oath touching any matter of fact. And each voter, before depositing his vote, shall be required to take and subscribe the following oath, viz:

I solemnly swear, that I will henceforth support the Constitution of the United States, and defend it against the assaults of all enemies ; that I am an active friend of the Government of the United States, and the enemy of the so-called Confederate States ; that I ardently desire the suppression of the present rebellion against the Government of the United States ; that I sincerely rejoice in the triumph of the armies and navies of the United States, and in the defeat and overthrow of the armies, navies, aad of all armed combination in the interest of the so-called Confederate States; that I will cordially oppose.all armistices or negotiations for peace with rebels in arms, until the Constitution of the United States and all laws and proclamations made in pursuance thereof, shall be established over all the people of every State and Territory embraced within the National Union, and that I will heartily aid and assist the

656

6. Resolved, That the polls be opened at the county seat, or some other suitable place in each county, and the ballot-box be so guarded and protected as to secure to electors a free, fair, and impartial election, and that polls also be opened for the convenience of the soldiers, at such places as may be accessible to them.

And whereas, it further appears from the proceedings of said Convention, "That the Military Governor of the State of Tennessee" is requested to execute the foregoing resolutions in such manner as he may think best subserves the interests of the Government."

And whereas I, Andrew Johnson, Military Governor of the State of Tennessee, being anxious to cooperate with the loyal people of the State, and to encourage them in all laudable efforts to restore the State to law and order again, and to secure the ballot-box against the contamination of treason by every reasonable restraint that can be thrown around it, I do therefore order and direct that an election for President and Vice-President of the United States of America be opened and held at the county seat, or other suitable place in every county in the State of Tennessee, upon the first Tuesday after the first Monday in the month of November next, at which all citizens and soldiers, being free white men, twenty-one years of age, citizens of the United States, and for six months prior to the election citizens of the State of Tennessee, who have qualified themselves by registration, and who take the oath prescribed in the foregoing resolutions, shall be entitled to vote, unless said oath shall be disproved by other testimony, for the candidates for President and Vice-President of the United States.

And to the end that the foregoing resolutions, which are made part of this proclamation, may be faithfully executed, and the loyal citizens of the State, and none others, be permitted to exercise the right of suffrage I do hereby appoint the several gentlemen whose names are affixed to this proclamation, to aid in said election, and superintend the registration of the loyal voters in their respective counties, as provided by the fourth resolution above quoted.

But as the day of election is near at hand, and there may

657

The election shall be opened, conducted, returns made, etc., in all respects as provided by the 4th chapter of the "Code of Tennnessee," except so far as the same is modified by this proclamation.

But in cases where the County Court fail or neglect to appoint inspectors or judges of election, and there is no Sheriff or other civil officer in the county qualified by law to open and hold said election, the registrating agents, hereto appended, may act in his stead, and in all respects discharge the duties imposed in such cases upon sheriffs.

In like manner it is declared the duty of the military officers commanding Tennessee regiments, battalions, or detached squads, and surgeons in charge of the hospitals of Tennessee soldiers to open and hold elections on the day aforesaid, under the same rules and regulations hereinbefore prescribed, and at such suitable places as will be convenient to the soldiers who are hereby declared entitled to vote without registration.

In testimony whereof, I, Andrew Johnson, Military Governor of the State of Tennessee do hereunto set [L, s.] my hand, and have caused the great seal of the State to be affixed at this Department, on the 30th day of September, A, D. 1864.
By the Governor: ANDREW JOHNSON.
EDWARD H. EAST, Secretary of State.

[The names of superintendents of election in the several counties, and the extracts from the Tennessee code are omitted here.]

At the time these papers were presented as before stated, I had never seen either of them, nor heard of the subject to which they relate, except in a general way, only one day previously. Up to the present moment nothing whatever upon the subject has passed between Governor Johnson, or any one else connected with the proclamation and myself. Since receiving the papers as stated, I have given the subject such brief consideration as I have been able to do in the midst of

658

I presume that the conducting of a Presidential election in Tennessee in strict accordance with the old code of the State is not now a possibility. It is scarcely necessary to add that if any election shall be held, and any votes shall be cast an the State of Tennessee for President and Vice-President of the United States, it will belong, not to the military agents nor yet to the Executive Department, but exclusively to another department of the Government, to determine whether they are entitled to be counted; in conformity with the Constitution and laws of the United States. Except it be to give protection against violence, I decline to interfere in any way with any Presidential election.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

However important this question might be regarded by either side, on general grounds, it was already sufficiently manifest that it had no practical bearing on the grand result of the Presidential election. It might well be doubted how far, in a close contest, it would have been expedient or just to insist on an electoral majority, obtained by throwing into either

659

Great exertions were made by the Opposition to carry the State of New York for McClellan, and to re-elect Governor Seymour. The Rebel Benjamin's project of "colonizing voters" from Canada, may or may not have been actually undertaken. Certain it is, that a gigantic fraud was attempted, under the peculiar law of New York, in regard to the voting of soldiers by proxy—a fraud requiring no small expenditure of money for its execution. The parties convicted of this crime were manifestly but the tools of others unknown, from whom they received the means and the incitement. There is reason to believe that, but for the discovery of this enormity before the plot was fully carried out, the actual voice of the people of New York would have been annulled, and a false majority returned. It is not uncommon for charges of fraud or unfairness in elections to be loosely made on both sides. It would certainly be unjust to hold any party, as such, responsible for all that designing individuals may do in its behalf. But the statements made in this instance are based on definite proof, and the facts fall in, not unnaturally, with the conduct of many of the men who were zealously striving for the defeat of Mr. Lincoln.

On the 8th day of November, the people expressed their sovereign will in regard to the Presidency and Vice-Presidency for another term. In the midst of the struggle with a powerful rebellion, at the close of a canvass in which the party

660

In 1860, Mr. Lincoln had received the electoral votes of seventeen States, (that of New Jersey being divided,) in all 180 votes, and an aggregate popular vote of 1,866,452. In 1864, the number of States that voted for him was twenty-two,* having a total electoral vote of 213, while he received an aggregate popular vote of 2,203,831. The whole number of votes cast for Mr. Lincoln in 1860, in the slave-holding States was 26,430. In 1864, he received in those States (including Maryland, West Virginia and Missouri, which became non-slavehold-ing during his administration) an aggregate vote of 169,728. These several statements do not include Tennessee, Louisiana or Arkansas, the votes of which were excluded in the official canvass by Congress.

Only three States voted for Gen. McClellan, namely: New Jersey, Delaware and Kentucky, giving an aggregate electoral vote of 21. Mr. Lincoln thus received more than ten to one in the electoral college. The total popular vote for McClellan was 1,797,019. The majority for Mr. Lincoln on the popular vote was 406,812.

* This includes the States of Kansas and Nevada, admitted into the Union since 1860, and of West Virginia, formed by the division of the State of Virginia.

661

On the evening of November 10th, a procession, with music, banners and transparencies, marched to the White House to pay their compliments to President Lincoln. A national salute was fired, and cheers, prolonged and earnest, greeted the appearance of the President at the window from which he was accustomed to speak when thus called out by his friends. On this joyous occasion, free from any manifestations of merely

*The official report of the Canvassing Committee, on the second Wednesday In February, as printed in the Globe, gives but two electoral votes for Nevada, and a total for Mr. Lincoln of 212.

662

FRIENDS AND FELLOW CITIZENS : It has long been a grave question whether any government not too strong for the liberties of its people can be strong enough to maintain its own existence in great emergencies. On this point the present Rebellion brought our Republic to a severe test; and a Presidential election, occurring in regular course during the Rebellion, added not a little to the strain.

If the loyal people united were put to the utmost of their strength by the rebellion, must they not fall when divided and partially paralyzed by a political war among themselves?

But the election was a necessity. We cannot have free government without elections; and if the rebellion could force us to forego or postpone a national election, it might fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us. The strife of the election is but human nature practically applied to the facts of the case. What has occurred in this case, must ever recur in similar cases. Human nature will not change. In any future great national trial, compared with the men of this, we shall have as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise, as bad and as good.

Let us, therefore, study the incidents of this, as philosophy to learn wisdom from, and none of them as wrongs to be revenged.

But the election, along with its incidental and undesirable strife, has done good too. It has demonstrated that a people's government can sustain a national election in the midst of a great civil war. [Enthusiastic cheers.] Until now, it has not been known to the world that this was a possibility. It shows, also, how sound and how strong we still are. It shows that, even among candidates of the same party, he who is most devoted to the Union, and most opposed to treason, can receive most of the people's votes. [Long continued applause.] It shows, also, to the extent yet known, that we have more men now than we had when the war began. Gold is good in its place, but living, brave, patriotic men, are better than gold. [Applause.]

But the rebellion continues; and now that the election is over, may not all, having a common interest, re-unite in a common effort to save our common country? [Cries of "Yes," "Good."] For my own part, I have striven, and will strive, to avoid placing any obstacle in the way. So long as I have been here, I have not willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom.

663

May I ask those who have not differed with me to join with me in the same spirit toward those who have?

And now, let me close by asking three hearty cheers for our brave soldiers and seamen, and their gallant and skillful commanders.

The cheers were given with hearty good-will in response to the President's call. A venerable Democrat in the crowd remarked, with feeling : "God is good to us. He has again given us as a ruler, that sublime specimen of His noblest work, an honest man."

The result of the election becoming known to the army, Lieut.-Gen. Grant sent the following congratulatory dispatch to the Secretary of War:
CITY POINT, Nov. 10, 1864—10.30 P. M.
Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War:

Enough now seems to be known to say who is to hold the reins of Government for the next four years. Congratulate the President for me for this double victory. The election having passed off quietly, no bloodshed or riot throughout the land, is a victory worth more to the country than a battle won. Rebeldom and Europe will construe it so.
U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General.

The election had, in fact, demonstrated to the Rebels, and to the world, that the people were determined to sustain our armies, and to keep their ranks filled with new levies, so long as needed, until the last vestige of armed opposition to the Government should disappear. To the soldier, and to the citizen ready to become a soldier—should he be wanted—the result was alike gratifying. The assertion of the Chicago platform, that the war was a failure, was branded as false. The impudent demand for a cessation of hostilities, in the midst of the full tide of success, was emphatically rebuked

664