PURCHASE OF INDIAN LANDS.
When Davenport and his company arrived at New Haven, they found the territory in possession of the Indians, the original owners of the soil. Within the limits of Connecticut, as its boundaries are now fixed, were probably from twelve to fifteen thousand Indians,1 broken into many clans or tribes, speaking different dialects, that had a common basis, so that the individuals belonging to one tribe could understand the words spoken by another. In no part of New England were the Indians so numerous as in Connecticut. The great quantities
1 Deforest, in his "History of the Connecticut Indians," estimates the number at from six to seven thousand only, while other historians place the number as high as twenty thousand.
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of fish and fowl which the country and its waters afforded, were well adapted to their convenience and mode of living. Neither wars nor diseases had so depopulated this, as they had some other parts of New England. Those who lived on either bank of the Connecticut, and were hence called river Indians, were nearly all within the old limits of Windsor, Hartford, Wethersfield, and Middletown. There were ten sovereignties of them in Windsor alone, who could muster, it was said, an aggregate of two thousand bowman. Hartford swarmed with them. The Mattabesitt tribe, then living in and about the present city of Middletown, claimed the land which they afterwards sold to Davenport and his company. At the time of the settlement of New Haven, Sowheag was the great sachem of the Mattabesitt tribe. He had a fort at Middletown, on the high ground near the "narrows," by the river, and his power extended over Middle-town, Wallingford and Meriden, and small portions of towns adjoining thereto.
That part of the State now occupied by the counties of New London and Windham, with a large part of Tolland county, was occupied by the Pequots and Mohegans, an exceedingly fierce, warlike and crafty race.1 But the power of the Pequots was felt beyond these
1 On the west of the Connecticut river and extending towards the Hudson, resided the Mohegans. (Bancroft, III. 239). Mohegan is a word, the meaning of which is not explained by the early writers; but if we may trust the deductions of philology, it needs create little uncertainty. The tribe called themselves Muhhekanien; and signified a wolf of supernatural power. This was the badge or arms of the tribe, rather than the name of the tribe itself. The affinities of the Mohegans with the Minci, or Moncees, on the west bank of the Hudson, and through them with the Delawares, are apparent in the language, and were well recognized at the era of the settlemen
9
bounds. Other tribes had been overrun by their war parties, a tribute imposed, and a paramount dominion established. Prince, in his introduction to Mason's Pequot War, says that this tribe extended westward to Connecticut River, and over it as far as Brandford, if not to Quinnipiack (New Haven). Gookin1 states that the sachem of the Pequots held dominion over a part of Long Island; over the Mohegans and the Quinnipiacks ; "yea, over all the people that dwelt upon Connecticut River, and over some of the most southerly inhabitants of the Nipmuck country."
Sassacus, the head sachem of the Pequots, was the most intractable and proud of all the New England Indians. He is described as having excelled all the other men of his tribe in courage and address as a warrior, as much as that tribe surpassed all the neighboring ones in its haughty claims to dominion. Sassacus had twenty-six sachems under him, when the English settlers first came to the Connecticut river. Far and wide extended the hunting-fields, the deer-tracks, and the war-paths of this tribe ; and all other tribes lived in constant terror of them. If they neglected to pay their tribute, the Pequots would descend upon them, plunder, destroy and carry them" captive at pleasure. When they were not molested by the Pequots, the Mohawks, who had extended their conquests as far east as the Connecticut river, would issue their orders, and collect their tribute. When they made their appearance in the country, the Connecticut Indians would instantly raise a cry from hill to hill, "A Mohawk! A Mohawk!" and fly like sheep before wolves, without attempting the least resistance. It is indeed 1 Historical Collections of the Indians. 1674.
10
difficult to describe the fear of these terrible nations, which had fallen on all the Indians in the western parts of Connecticut. On this account they welcomed the arrival of the English among them, little dreaming that a few farmers who busied themselves with tasks fit, in their estimation, only for women, would soon get possession of the choicest lands that had been transmitted through a long line of Indian kings, and, finally, rising up as one man, would sweep whole tribes from the earth, and blot out their proudest names from remembrance. And yet, so desirous were they of English settlements on their territory, that before the first settlement was made in the State, a deputation of Indians appeared in Massachusetts requesting the people of that State to send a colony and form a plantation among them in Connecticut.
In the first deed between Davenport, Eaton and others, and the Indians, in 1638, it is expressly stated as a reason why they gave the deed and wished purchasers to settle among them,
"Remembering the heavy taxes and imminent dangers lately felt and feared from the Pequots, Mohawks and other Indians, in regard of which they durst not stay in their country, but were forced to flee and seek shelter among the English; and observing the safety and ease that the other Indians enjoy, near the English, of which benefits they have a comfortable taste already, which with all thankfulness they now acknowledge, they grant," &c., &c.
In this part of the country then, the original settlers were not intruders. It is true that the price or consideration paid for these lands was inconsiderable, when viewed from our stand-point. The policy adopted by our fathers in respect to the Indians was characterized
11
by justice and by kindness. The right of the Indians to the soil was admitted and respected. Patents and charters from the King were never considered good against the rights of the natives. It appears from the documents which I have examined, that the lands in many instances were bought and paid for several times over. If, after any particular tract had been purchased, some sachem or tribe appeared with a claim to the same land, that title also was bought out, and if again other claimants appeared, the purchase was still made again. Part of Meriden was thus bought again and again. And in 1670, thirty-four years after Hartford had been bought of the Indians, and had become populous, there arising some dispute about the title, the lands in Hartford were bought over again. Let any man demonstrate if he can, that in Connecticut a single rood of land was ever acquired of the Indians otherwise than by fair purchase, except what was conquered from the Pequots, in a war as righteous as ever was waged.
The most ancient record in existence at New Haven is the record of two treaties with the aboriginal proprietors, by which the soil was purchased, and the relations thenceforward to subsist between the Indians and the English were distinctly defined. In 1638, the original settlers of New Haven bought of "Momauguin, the Indian Sachem of Quinopiocke, and Sugcogisin, Quesaquauch, Caroughood, Wesaucucke, and others of his council," the tract of land on which New Haven now stands, extending several miles to the northward, and embracing probably North Haven, also. The articles of agreement are to this effect: That Momauguin is the sole sachem of Quinnipiack, and had an absolute power to aliene and dispose of the same: That in consequence of the pro-
12
tection which he had tasted, by the English, from the Pequots and Mohawks,1 he yielded up all his right, title and interest to all the land, rivers, ponds and trees, with all the liberties and appurtenances belonging to the same, unto Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport and others, their heirs and assigns forever. He covenanted that neither he nor his Indians would terrify nor disturb the English, nor injure them in any of their interests; but that, in every respect, they would keep true faith with them. The English covenanted to protect Momauguin and his Indians when unreasonably assaulted and terrified by other Indians; and that they should always have a sufficient quantity of land to plant on, upon the east side of the harbor, between that and Say-brook fort. They also covenanted, that by way of free and thankful retribution, they gave unto the said sachem and his council and company twelve coats of English cloth, twelve alchymy spoons, twelve hatchets, twelve hoes, two dozen of knives, twelve porringers, and four cases of French knives and scissors. What the Indians retained after the treaty, was worth more to them than what they had before the treaty. The consideration which chiefly moved them to the cession was not the coats, the knives, and the hatchets, the pewter spoons and porringers, but the safety and manifold advantages of having the English for their neighbors and protectors. In December following, the settlers made another purchase of a large tract, which lay principally north of
1 The Indians of Quinnipiack, in this treaty, declared, "That they still remembered the heavy taxes of the Pequots and Mohawks; as that, by reason of their fear of them, they could not stay in their own country; but had been obliged to flee. By these powerful enemies they had been reduced to about forty men."
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the former. This was bought of Mantowese, son of the great sachem at Mattabesitt.1 This tract was ten miles in length, north and south, and thirteen miles in breadth. It extended eight miles east of the river Quinnipiac, and five miles west of it towards Hudson river. It included all the lands within the ancient limits of the old towns of New Haven, Branford and Wallingford, and almost the whole contained in the present limits of these towns, and of the towns of East Haven, Woodbridge, Cheshire, Hamden and North Haven. These have since been made out of the three old towns.
"Articles of agreement betwixt Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport, and sundry other English planters at Quinnypiock on the one part, and Mantowese, son of an Indian sachem living at Mattabezeck, and nephew to Sequin, on the other part, made and concluded the nth clay of December, 1638.
"First, the said Mantowese, in presence and with allowance of Sawseunck, and Indians which came in company with him, doth profess, affirm and covenant to and with the said Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport, and others, above, that the land on both sides the river Quinnypiock, from the northerly bounds of the land lately purchased by the said English of the Quinnypiock Indians, namely, from the pond in the great meadow, about two miles above the great hill, to the head of the river at the great plain toward the plantations settled by the English upon the river of Quinticutt, southerly, which is about ten miles in length from north to south; the bounds of which land run also eight miles easterly from the river of Quinnypiock towards the river of Quinticutt, and five miles westerly towards Hudson's river,-doth truly and solely belong to him the said Mantowese, in right of his deceased mother, to whom the said land did appertain, and from whom
1 The mother of Mantowese must have been the daughter and heiress of some deceased sachem, for it was through her that the land was obtained.
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it justly descends upon him as his inheritance, so that he hath an absolute and independent power to give, alien, dispose, or sell all, or any part of the said land as he shall think good; and that neither his said father, nor any other person whatsoever, have any right, title, or interest in any part of the land described and limited as above, whereby he or any other may hereafter justly question what the said Mantowese now doth, or lay any claim to any part of the said land now disposed of by him.
"Secondly, the said Mantowese being fully acquainted with the agreements lately passed betwixt the said English planters and the Sachem of Quinnypiock, his council and company, did freely of his own accord, upon full and serious deliberation, give, grant, and yield up, all his right, title, and interest to all the land mentioned and bounded as above, with all the rivers, ponds, trees, and all liberties and appurtenances whatsoever, belonging to the same, to the said Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport, and other English planters, at Quinnypiock, and to their heirs and assigns forever, desiring from them, the said English planters, to receive such a small portion of land by the river's side, about two miles beyond the tree over the river in the passage from hence towards the towns at Quin-ticutt, as may be sufficient for his small company, being but ten men in number, besides women and children, which portion of land they desire may, hereafter, upon a view, be assigned, appointed and limited unto them by the said English planters, reserving also to himself and his forenamed company, liberty, in fit seasons and due manner, without prejudice to the English, to hunt and fish and kill beaver, yet therein also to be regulated by the said English, upon discovery of any annoyance, as the Quinnypiock Indians are in that case.
"Lastly, the said Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport, &c., accepting from Mantowese this free gift of his land as above, do by way of thankful retribution give unto him eleven coats made of trucking cloth, and one coat for himself of English
15
cloth, made up after the English manner, which being thankfully accepted by the said Mantowese, and the agreement in all points perfected; for satisfaction and full confirmation of the same, Mantowese and Sawseunck have set their hands or marks, this day and year before written.
"MANTOWESE, X his mark.
SAWSEUNCK, X his mark."
"I, John Clarke, being interpreter in this treaty, do hereby profess in the presence of God, that I have fully acquainted the Indians with the substance of every article, to the which they have freely agreed; that is to say, that Mantowese have given to Mr. Davenport and Mr. Eaton all his land which he had by his deceased mother, which he saith is from the head of the great plain to the pond, which he profess to be his, and promise to make it good to our English; and for this he is satisfied with twelve coats; only reserve a piece of land by the river for his men, which are ten, and many squaws, to plant in; and when our cows come there, what harm their dogs do our cattle, they will satisfy for, and we for what harm our hogs do to them in corn; and as for hunting and fishing, they are acquainted and do freely consent to them, as their mark witness. The truth of which, if lawfully called, I shall readily confirm by my oath at any time.
"Per me, JOHN CLARKE.1
"We, Robert Coggswell, Roger Knapp, and James Love, do hereby renounce all right to any and every part of the forementioned land. Witness our hands hereunto.
"ROBERT COGGSWELL, JAMES LOVE, ROGER KNAPP, X his mark."
1 This interpreter seems to have been one of the first inhabitants of the colony. The interpreter of the first treaty, was Thomas Stanton, who was for many years a sort of chief dragoman in all important negotiations with the Indians.
16
That these treaties were ever violated by either party does not appear in history, although Governor Andros had said that the "signature of an Indian was no better than the scratch of a bear's paw." Upon the tract ceded by these treaties, where in 1638 there were subsisting in savage wretchedness not quite sixty men, and the largest estimate of women and children would not make the entire native population more than two hundred and fifty, there are now about 30,000 people, the poorest of which have more physical comforts, not to speak of intellectual and moral differences, than the richest of the Indians enjoyed in 1638. To one who now stands upon the summit of West Peak and looks off upon the immense plain, like a green carpet stretching far off to the Sound, dotted here and there with villages, and the quiet farm houses,
"So rich and picturesque and free,
The common unrhymed poetry
Of simple life and country ways,"
it seems scarcely credible that the consideration of this deed was "eleven coats made of trucking cloth, and one coat of English cloth, made up after the English manner," with the reservation of the right to plant and hunt upon the granted premises. But the price was an adequate one. What could the grantors do with money? and the liberty to occupy the land for the two purposes named in the deed, comprised in the mind of an Indian, nearly all that lawyers mean by the term fee simple. The north half of Meriden, was claimed by portions of the Mattabesitt tribe; and when Farmington was settled by the English, there was a band of that tribe, in the southeast part of that town, probably near Kensington.
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The north part of our town remained in possession of the Indians, long after they had sold all the adjacent territory. Near the northern limit lay the Belcher farm. Rev. Mr. Perkins, in his "Historical Sketches," says, that
"One Mr. Belcher, very early, but how early we cannot precisely ascertain, had a grant of a large tract of land lying on our present northern border. Whether this was a colonial grant or a royal grant, we do not know, for no trace of deed or grant can be found in the state records or town records."
Hoping to find such a record,
"Through difficulties
And with much pains, expence of time and cost,
Many heapes of worne Records have I turn'd and tos't,"
and success crowned my efforts. Here is the deed:
"Att a Genall Assembly holden at Newhaven October the 14th, 1703; Whereas, the Govern1 and Company of this her Majesties Colonie of Connecticutt in Genall Court assembled at Hartford, Aug. the 28th 1661, did give and grant unto Jonathan Gilbert of the said town of Hartford, innholder, decd, three hundred and fifty acres of countrey land for a farm, and whereas, the said Genal1 Assembly holden at Hartford March the 13th, 1661, and Octob'r the 12th, 1665, did give and grant to Capt. Daniel Clerke of the town of Windzor three hundred acres of land for the same use, to be taken up partly upon the branches of Mattabesitt River, and partly upon the road from Wethersfield to Newhaven, at or near a place called Cold Spring on the west side of a ridge, of mountainous land comonly called or known by the name of the Lamentation Hills, all which appeares on record; and the said Jonathan Gilbert did purchase of the said Daniel Clerke his said grant, by which grant and purchase the said Jonath. Gilbert obteined to himself and his heirs a good and lawfull right and title to sixe hundred and fiftie acres of the said countrey land, four hundred and seventie acres whereof was
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laid out to the said Jonathan Gilbert by persons appointed by the said Genall Assembly at and nere the said place called the Cold Spring on the west side of the said Lamentation Hill; the said four hundred and seventie acres of land com-prehending within it three pieces of meadowe, one called the south meadow, another the north meadow, and the third beaver meadow; and the said Jonathan Gilbert having pur-chased the native right of the said land, and of the land thereunto adjoining, amounting in the whole to the sume of one thousand acres and upwards of meadow and upland; and whereas Capt. Andrew Belcher of the town of Boston in the province of the Massachusetts Bay in Newengland, merchant, hath by purchase gained to himselfe and his heirs forever all the estate, right and title that the heirs or assignes of the said Jonathan Gilbert had or might have in or to the said four hundred and seventie acres of land, meadow and upland, and whatever right might accrue to them by the said purchase of the native right, and hath petitioned this Assembly lor a pattent to be granted out to him for a full confirmation of the same to him, his heirs and assignes forever. This Assembly considering that the said Andrew Belcher hath expended a considerable estate upon the said land in building tennantable houses and settling tennants therein, and other improvements which are like to be a publick as well as private benefit, (he said tennements being conveniently situate for the relief of travailers in their journying from place to place, for his incouragement to goe forward with his improvements doe see cause to grant his petition, and doe now give and grant unto the said Andrew Belcher all the said tour hundred and seventie acres of meadow and upland (as it is laid out and bounded, or described to be bounded, in a plott or survey thereof exhibited in this Assembly under the hand of Mr. Caleb Stanley, surveyor), to be to him the said Andrew Belcher, his heirs and assignes forever; and doe order that the said Andrew Belcher shall have a pattent for the said four hundred and seventie acres of land so butted
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and bounded as in the said plott is described, the pattent to be signed by the Governour and Secretarie in the name and behalfe of the Govern1 and Companie of this her Majesties Colonie, which pattent shall be of full force and virtue to all intents and purposes in the lawe for the ensureing and sure making of all the said purchased and granted lands so butted and bounded as aforesaid, and every part and parcell thereof, with all the profitts, priviledges and appurtenances thereunto belonging, and from time to time thence arising, unto him the said Andrew Belcher, his heirs and assignes forever, according to the true intent and meaning thereof Provided always, nevertheless, that there shall be a country road or highway through the said farme or part thereof, as there shall be occasion.1 Capt. John Hamlin moving to this Court for a grant of a tract of land to Capt. Andrew Belcher, which land lieth between said Mr Belcher's farme at Merriden and the mountain called Lamentation, this Court doe order Capt. Thomas Hart and Mr Caleb Stanley junr to survey said tract of land and make return thereof to this Court in May next, both as to the quantitie and qualitie of said land."
In May 1704, the committee handed in the following-report:
"To the Honbl the Genrll Assembly of the Colonie of Conecticutt sitting in Hartford, May the 11th 1704. Whereas, the Generall Assembly of the said Colonie held at Newhaven October the 14th, 1703, did order and appoint us the subscribers hereunto to measure and survey a certain tract of land adjoining to Capt. Andrew Belcher's farme called Merriden, and lying between the said farme and the top or ridge of the mountain usually called Lamentation Mountain (which said tract of land the said Belcher did petition for to the said Court), and to make our return thereof to this Honrd Court now sitting, both as to the quantitie and qualitie thereof.
1 The survey of Capt. Belcher's farm is recorded in Book D, folio 318, 319, 320.
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In pursuance whereof, we, the said subscribers, did survev and measure the said tract of land in maner as follows, viz., from the southeast corner of the said farme we run and measured east (by the needle of the surveying instrument) eighty rods, and then east seventeen degrees, northerly sixtie-eight rods to the top of the said mountain, and from the northeast corner of the said farme, we run and measured, east 29 degrees, southerly one hundred and twentie rods to the top of the same mountain. We also found the said mountain to lye and bear near north thirtie degrees easterly, south thirtie degrees westerly, and considering the same with the lines that are the eastern boundary of the said farme (having a plott thereof before us), we found that the said land petitioned for as aforesaid, doth contain about two hundred and eightie acres. And as to the qualitie thereof, by reason, that the same is almost wholly consisting of steep, rocky, hills and very stony land, we judge it to be very mean, and of little vallue. All which we humbly present to this Honbl Assembly.
CALEB STANLEY, Surveyr.
THOMAS HART.
"This Assembly grants to Capt. Andrew Belcher of Boston, mercht, and to his heirs forever, the tract of land mentioned in the above survey, containing about two hundred and eightie acres with the bounds and abutmentts as above exprest, and that he shall have a pattent for the confirmation of it accordingly, to be signed according to lawe in the name of this Assembly. Always provided it shall not intrench upon the properties of any other person, or upon any plantation."
1 Andrew Belcher was son of Andrew Belcher, who was in Sudbury, Mass., in 1639. He was born Jan. 1, 1647. He married July 1, 1670, Sarah, daughter of Jonathan Gilbert, and had Andrew, born March 12, 1672; Deborah; Mary, born March 7, 1680; Ann, born March 30, 1684; Martha, born March 29,1686; Elizabeth, born Jan. 12, 1678; Jonathan, born Jan. 8, 1682; which last was the royal Governor of Mass. 1730 to
21
In a deed dated October 15, 1664, the northern part of this tract is called Merideen, and in another deed of 1672 it is called Moridan, and "bounded partly on the Mattabesick River where it may be allowed of the town of Farmington." This valley was a rich alluvial soil, and might be termed bottom land. But owing to its low situation, the name of Meriden was abandoned for that of "Great Swamp." It was a part of the hunting grounds of the Mattabesett tribe of Indians, and tradition says their lodge or settlement was at the place called now, and has been for many years, "Beckley Quarter."1
In the upper part of this purchase, at a place now called "Christian Lane," Richard Seymour and others began a settlement as early as 1686. Here stood the Seymour Fort, or Palisades, within which the cabins were constructed, and to which all the settlers repaired at nightfall, for safety against the Indians, and for quiet rest." The well at which they quenched their thirst, still furnishes the best water. It was dug in the center of the fort. In 1705, twenty-nine persons residing in the "Great Swamp," petitioned the General Assembly to annex unto their bounds
"All those lands that are between our bounds southward,
1 The first English settler of this locality was sergeant Richard Beckley, a planter in New Haven Colony, 1639, but moved to this part of the State, which from his clay has been called "Beckley quarter." The following shows his title to the land, and is from the records of lands for Wethersfield: "25 Feb. 1680. Lands belonging to Sergt. Richard Beckley and to his heirs and assigns forever, lying in Wethersfield, upon Conecti-cutt river, which he purchased of Terramoogus (Indian), with the consent of the court, and town of Wethersfield."
2 This fort was made of palisades sixteen feet long, sharp at the top, and firmly set in the ground near together.
22
and Wallingford bounds northward, for the benefit of the taxes of said lands,"
for the support of a minister. The territorial limits of Wallingford, extended northward, only to Pilgrim's Harbor, or what is now West Meriden. Between Wallingford on the south, Middletown on the east, and Belcher's farm on the north, and part of the west, there lay a tract of land, of somewhat undefined boundaries. The "old road" passed through it. The following appears to have been the earliest deed of this part of Meriden:
"Oct. 15, 1664.
"Know all men by these presents, that I Seaukeet, Indian, (abiding in or about Hartford, on Conec't.) Sachem, owner and true propriertor of a large tract of Land in the woods towards New Haven att and about the land now in possession of Mr. Jonathan Gilbert,1 intitled and known by the name Merideen, doe sell unto Edward Higbey, one parcell of land adjoining to the lands of Jonathan Gilbert, aforesaid, Hills, Rocks, brooks, swamps and all other appurtenances, bounded and formerly delivered, by marked trees, and by the land of sayd Jonathan Gilbert and Pilgrim's Harbor Brook or River-all which sayd parcell of land with all prerogatives, privileges and any kind of appurtenances thereon, and thereunto belonging, it shall be lawful for the sayd Edward Higbey, his heirs and assigns, to improve, possess, enjoy, and that forever, as fully and as freely as the said Seaukeet ever did or might have done. In witness thereof, by these presents, I bind myself, my heirs and assigns, quietly and peaceably to
1 Extract from the last will and testament of Jonathan Gilbert, Feb. 12, 1682-3. "Item, I give to my son Nathaniel Gilbert, my farm at Meriden, with all the house and land thereunto belonging, and all priv-iledges thereunto to him and his heirs forever, and also I give to him thirty pounds more out of my estate or in cattle to stock the said farm." Hartford Probate Records; Vol. IV.
23
leave in the full possession of all the premises, the sayd Edward Higbey, never to be molested by me the sayd Seau-keet, my heirs, or any other Indian or Indians whatsoever and so subscribe my name,
the mark of SEAUKEET.
"In presence and witness of Bryan Rossetter and Mary Gilbert."
It seems that there were other claimants to the same land, for in 1682 another Indian, by the name of Adam Puit, sold to John Talcott, a tract which, from the description, must have been identical with the one described in the deed of Seaukeet.
Hartford, August 10, 1684. [date of record.] "Know all men whom this may concern, that I, Adam Puit, Indian, belonging and now residing at Poclunk,1 have and doe hereby morgage all my land lyeing upon the Road towards Newhaven, beyond and next adjoining to Jonathan Gilbert's farme, which tract of land being in length East and West Six Miles, and in breadth North and South five miles, with all the swamps, Rivers and meadow Land lyeing within the said Bounds and limits thereof, to John Talcott of Hartford in Conecticut Colony and his heirs forever. And in case the said Adam Puit do pay for and make full satisfaction for one parcell of Trucking cloaths in hand received of the said John Talcut within one full year after the sale hereof, and in case we the said partyes agree about the said land before the end and term of one year (to say), for the purchase or sale thereof, the said Adam is to receive foure coats more, as full satisfaction for the purchase thereof, the premises not being performed as above said, I the said Adam Puit doe fully and freely
1 Podunk, was the original name of a river in Windsor, and was also the name of an Indian tribe, residing near that river. 24
resign and deliver up the said land to John Talcott and his heires forever, to be theirs to possess, to enjoy, and to hold as their own, forever, as witnesseth my mark on the day and year above said.
"The mark of ADAM PUIT.
"Witnessed buy us: Sammuel Talcott, Dorothy Talcott."
"Hartford, October 18, 1682.
" Nesahegan indian, Cherry indian, and wonummiss indian, belonging to Tunksis and Hartford, all appeared at Hartford on this 18th day of October, and certify and witness that Adam Puit above written in the deed of gift aforesaid hath soald right and tittle in the land above said, being about six miles East and West and five miles North and South; beyond and next adjoyning to Jonathan Gilberts farms in the way to Newhaven, which we understand is now sold to Major John Talcott. This we certify and know to be true unto the year and clay above written.
"Before me, Robert Treat, Deputy Governor."
The next year, 1683, Mr. Talcott wrote the following letter to Wallingford, assigning over to the town all his right and title to this land:
"WORTHY GENTLEMEN:
"After Sallutation presented, these may enforme you that I have sent you your long waited for indian Deed and purchase, by my cousan Sammuell Wakeman: it was finished on the second day of the present week. Gentillmen, I confess my many errors by reason of the after Blots, also at the ---- of it mistake a name or two in the first part, but recovered in the latter part, for that I hope nothing therein will prove, above the nature of circumstantiall error. As for the substance it will hold firme and good in law, for your security -The truth is I was shortenened for time, and having but one
25
day after the court to write in and draw the modell of the deed before the indians were appointed to be at my house, and then there came a considerable company of them, that I could not doe anything in reference to drawing it over more faire, being willing to gaine as many hands and seals, as I could then, otherwise it would have been more decently prepared and presented to your view : and that time of drawing many people crowding in upon me put me beyond my ordinary pace, and the Indian names being many and odd, were hard, difficult to retaine and distinctly and precisely to enter, and hath often been in my thoughts to have reviewed it, but have feered that I should not geet the indians together to signe, they lived in such a scattered way, and a great distance one from another, that in another year in reason would have been little enough to have brought this matter to pass, and thought perhaps some might die whose names were in as --- as was almost the case of the young sunk squa, so that I thought it to be a tedious a business, to adventure upon that which had proved soe troublesome already. Some of these your Gintlement may rememember what court it was that the indians agreed in Mr. Adams orchard, they would meet at my house; at that time I had a day as I sayd, before me to write and draw; now hopeing worthy Gentile men and friends you will excuse me wherein I have fallen short of your expectation, granting your favorable acceptance of what I have herewith presented to your view, who am, honoured Gentilement and friends, your reall friend and faithful Servant,
JOHN TALCOTT."
November, 11th, 1681.
The following is the deed of assignment, to the town of Wallingford:
"Know all men by these presents, that I John Talcott of Hartford, in Conecticut colony, do fully, freely, clearly and absolutely, Alienate, assign and set over, resign and deliver
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up all my right, title, and interest, in the within deed of sale, to Mr. Sammuel Street, Mr. John Moss, Lieut. Nathaniell Meriman, Mr. John Brockett Sergt. Abraham Dowlittle of Wallingford, within the said colony of Conecticut, to them-selves for their proper use only benefit and behoof, of them-selves and the inhabitants of the sayd towne of Wallingford within the said colony; to them, their heires and assigns forever, to hold, use, occupy and improve the same, with all the emoluments, rents, emunitys, priviledges, franchises, com-oditys and appurtenances, whatsoever and herein consigned granting him and every one of them, full power and authority to Record the same to themselves, their heires and assigns forever, for the confirmation of the premises, for myself, heires, executors and Administrators doe fully ratifie and confirm this assignment unto Mr. Sammuel Street, Mr. John Moss, and to their heires and assigns forever, as witnesseth my hand and seal this fifteenth of May in the year of our lord, one thousand six hundred eighty and three.
"JOHN TALCOTT, seal.
"Witnessed by John Church, Daniel Butler."
The first deed to the New Haven planters is dated December, 1638, and was renewed in 1645. But on pretense of the Indians, that they had made a reserve of some appurtenances in former grants, another purchase was made, and a valuable consideration given for an unreserved deed of "12 large miles long, and 3 broad;" the breadth extending from "Wharton's brook to Pilgrim's Harbor." The addition of three miles to the breadth, from the last mentioned place, was made by
I The land is not described and bounded in this assignment; but in the original records this assignment is accompanied by a copy of the Adam Puit deed, and in his letter he speaks of this "deed of sale," as the one received by him from Puit.
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the government. This Indian deed is dated at Hartford, May, 24, 1681, and is as follows:
"Whereas our predecessors Mantowese, Sachem, in the yeare one Thousand Six hundred Thirty and eight, in December the eleventh, by a Generall deed off grant, Alienated, en-seosed and sold a tract of land, to Theophilus Eaton, Esqir, Mr. John Davenport, Minister, and to other English Planters of Quinnipiage, Alias Newhaven, as by an instrument at large doth appeare, and soe by a second grant as by an Instrument dated in the year one Thousand Six hundred forty and five. In the month May of that said year, Renewed the former grant, and tract of land, to run from a great pond in New-haven East meadow Twenty Miles North, and to be thirteen miles in breadth East and west, which said tract of land was made over unto Theophilus Eaton Esquire, Mr. Stephen Goodyear, and Mr. Thomas Grigson gentillmen of the foresaid Newhaven. Now know ye, that I, Mantowese his sister sunk squa, and now wife to Nesumbocum, and munnappask, Mim-iaque and munnappask, sunk squa, matoes son, Matant son, had come right in those the aforesaid lands so sold by our predecessors, and whereas I Mimiaque, Accacant, his son, Ma-pashunt, Puttugquatum, and Wyashun, have good right and title to land on the west side of Wallingford Bounds, and being desired grants two miles in breadth East and West and the whole length of the said Wallingford bounds, as granted to them by the general court of conecticutt colony, shall be added according as shall be hereafter inclusively and absolutely taken within, and unto their bounds granted to the plantation of Wallingford by the foresaid genall court, for avoiding of all differences, that may hereafter arise or happen to be between us Sunk Squa, now wife to Nessumboccum mun-napsk sunk squa, Matoes son, Matant son, mamiaque, Accacant, his son Wagashunt, Puttugquatton and Wayshun, and the Inhabitants of Wallingford, and proprieters of the same plantation, and their haires or assignes, have granted and made
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this Indenture, this twenty and fourth of may, in the year thousand six hundred eighty and one, Between us Sunk Squa wife of Nesumbockum, munapask sunk squa, Matoes son, ma-tant son, mimiaque, Accanant, his son wyashunt, and May-shon, and Mr. Sammuell Street minister, Mr. John Moss, leu-tenant Nathanell Meriman, Mr. John Brocket, and Sergant Abraham Dowlittle, all proprietors within the towneship and plantation of Wallingford in the colony of conecticut in New England, witnesseth that we sunk squa wife to Nebocacum mannappook sunk squa, Matoes son, Matant son mimiaque Accanant his son, Wayashunt and wayshon, being the Right-full owners successors and rightfull and surviveing heirs, that can make any ---- claime or demand upon, or of propriety in that tract of land, which is circumscribed by Boundearise hereafter mentioned, as being and belonging to the Township of Wallingford, for many good causes and considerations, hereunto us moveing, and for a valuable consideration, sum and sums of currant pay of this country, to us in hand payd in full satisfaction for all our rights, in the foremen-tioned, tract and parcell of land lyeing and being within the towneship of Wallingford, the receipts whereof we doe acknowledge, and by these presents do freely, fully, clearly, and absolutely, give bargains and sell enseose and confirme, unto Mr. Sammuell Street, Mr. John Moss, Leut. Nathaniel Merri-man, Mr. John Brocket, Seriant Abraham Dowlittle, in the behalf of the inhabitants and proprietors, of the lands belonging to the township of Wallingford to them, their heirs, and their assigns for ever, all that tract of land from a place called whortons Brook south and from thence to runn to a place comonly called pilgrims Harbor, North, being about eight miles distance which is the breadth of the said bounds, and in Length, from East to the west end to be twelve miles, five miles to run east, from the east side quinipiage River and seven miles thereof to run west from the west side of quinipiage River, the whole bounds to be being about eight miles broad and twelve large miles in length to have and to
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hold possess and enjoy, all the aforesaid Tract or parcell of land, as it is now bounded with all the immunities, privilidges, rights, pastures, comonage, Timber, wood, Trees, under-wood, Stones, Quaryes, minnerals, Brooks, ponds, Rivers, tithings, profits, comodities, Imoluments, and appurtinances, whatsoever is belonging thereunto, to Mr. Samuel Street, Mr John Moss, Leutt. Nathaniel Merriman, Mr. John Brocket, Seriant Abraham Dowlittle, in behalf of themselves and in the behalfe of the inhabitants and proprietors of the lands belonging to the towneship of Wallingford, to them their heirs and assignes, for there owne and only proper benefite use and be-hoolfe forever. And we the aforesaid [here follows the Indian names] do warrant, and. approve the aforesaid Mr. Samuell Street, Mr. John Moss, Mr. Nathaniell meriman, Mr. John Brocket, Ser. Abraham Dowlittle, that we have full power, good, right, and lawful authority to bargaine and sell the before mentioned Tracts withall the appurtenances and singular, the privilidges thereunto belonging, and we the said [here follows the Indian names] give the said Samuel Street [and others] and the rest of the inhabitants and proprietors of the lands within the towneship of Wallingford, full power and authority, to record the premises to themselves, to their heirs and assignes for ever, and we [here follow the Indian names] do promise, covenant, to and with the said Sammuell Street, John Moss, (and others) and the rest of the inhabitants and proprietors of the towneship of Wallingford, them, their heires and Asignes shall and may by force and vertue hereof, from time to time and at all times hereafter, and for ever lawfully, peaceably and quietly hold, use and occupie, possesse and enjoy the aforesaid Tract and parcell of land as it is circumscribed and bounded, withall its rights, members, emunityes, privilidges and appertinances, and have receive and take the rents, issues, emoluments and profits thereof to theire own and only use, and proper behoofe for ever, without any lawful test suite, trouble, molestation, or disturbance whatsoever, from us or any of us, the said sunk squa [here
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follow the Indian names] our heires, successors or assignes, or any person, or persons, whatsoever, from by or under us our successors, or assignes, or from by or under us oure or there act, meanes, consent, previty, or procurement. And we sunk squa [here follow the Indian names] both for them-selves, heires, and executors, administrators and assignes, shall and do, deer, and clerely acquitt, exonerate and discharge, or otherwise sufficiently save harmless the sayd Samuel Street [and others] and the rest of the inhabitants and proprietors of the towne of Wallingford, themselves their Associates, their heires, Executors, Administrators and Assignes, forever, from all former and other grants, gifts, Bar-gaines, titles, troubles, demands, and Incumbrances, whatsoever, had made, committed, suffered, or done by us or any of us, the aforesaid sunk squa [here follow the Indian names] upon the promises and in witness whereof, we have hereunto, signed sealed and made delivery of the premises aforesaid, in the year one Thousand six hundred, eighty and one, May the Twenty and foure. In the presence wittnesse us.
"JOSEPH EMMERSON,
MICAH MUDGE,
PHILIP LEWIS,
Jpeg
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JPEG The Indians who sold the land to Davenport, Eaton etc., stipulated that they might hunt over the district as before, and that a tract might be reserved for them on the east side of the harbor sufficient for their small population to plant on. Even on this tract the English might use the meadows and cut down the trees at pleasure. Many other conditions were annexed, each party promising not to molest the other, and to make all suitable reparation, if any injury should ever be done. The Quinnipiacs stated the number of their men and
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youths at forty-seven; and covenanted that they would admit no other Indians among them without first having leave from the English. Little did they think, that in the course of years the white population would increase from scores to hundreds, and from hundreds to thousands ; and the deep forests would be cut down; that the wild animals would disappear; that the fish would grow few in the rivers ; and the poor remnant of the Quinnipiacs would eventually leave the graves of their forefathers, and wander away to another land. Could they have anticipated that a change so wonderful, and, in their history, so unprecedented, would of necessity follow the coming of the white man, they would have preferred the wampum tributes of the Pequots and the scalping parties of the Five Nations, to the vicinity of a people so kind, so peaceful and yet so destructive.
A reservation of thirty acres, laid out in three lots, of ten acres each, was early made in East Haven for the Quinnipiacs. They cultivated these lots by rotation, each one being planted in its turn while the other two lay unused. The last sachem of the tribe died in 1740. About 1768, some of the Quinnipiacs removed to Far-mington, where land was bought for them among the Tunxis, with the proceeds of what they had sold in East Haven. In 1773, there were 1363 Indians in the colony; a few families and single individuals are still to be found in different parts of the State, but are chiefly of mixed blood. In 1774, there were but four Indians in Wallingford. When the town was first settled the Indians were very much disliked, and in more than one instance, when the hat or contribution box was carried round in the meeting house for money to christianize Indians, instead of a coin, a bullet was dropped in, as if it
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were the fittest missionary. Children were often quieted by the cry, "The Indians are coming"!
The male Indians did little manual labor. They spent their time in hunting, fishing, contriving wars and executing them, or, when leisure was allowed for indulgence, in a dull round of animal enjoyments. They had no regular division of time, ate no regular meals, and had no hours set apart for social enjoyment. While her lord lay under the shade of a tree within sight of the cornfield, and snored away the hours of a summer afternoon, the squaw turned up the sods, and drew the dark rich loam around the maize; or, not far off, in the mortar that had been worn ages before in some earthfast rock, her stone pestle fell in regular strokes upon the shining kernels that she had raised the year before, and laid carefully aside, to furnish the requisite supply of "samp," that constituted the staple of the Indian's food. As might be inferred from their habits, the squaws were strong and hardy, and more capable of enduring fatigue than the men, though their figures were not so slender and graceful. Of household furniture they had little. A few cooking vessels of wood and stone, a knife made of shell or a species of reed, made up nearly the whole inventory.'
"Poor, crouching children of the brave!
Lo! where the broad and sparkling wave
Anointed once the freeman's shore,
Your father's tents arise no more."2
They are gone! No monuments preserve their mem-
1 Hollister, 1. 38. Trumbull, 1. 47-48. Deforest's Hist of the Indians of Conn., 6.
2 Sands' Yamoyden, 1. 21.
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ory, no graven tablets bear the record of their greatness. Beautifully wrote the poet Sprague:
"O doubly lost! oblivion's shadows close
Around their triumphs and their woes.
On other realms, whose oft set,
Reflected radiance lingers yet;
Their sage and bard have shed a light
That never shall go down in night;
Their time-crowned columns stand on high,
To tell of them who cannot die;
Even we, who then were nothing, kneel
In homage there, and join earth's general peal.
But the doomed Indian leaves behind no trace,
To save his own, or serve another's race;
With his frail breath his power has passed away,
His deeds, his thoughts are buried with his clay;
Nor lofty pile, nor glowing page
Shall link him to a future age,
Or give him with the past a rank;
His heraldry is but a broken bow,
His history but a tale of wrong and woe,
His very name must be a blank."1
Storey has portrayed with an eloquent pen the fate of the unfortunate Indians; words that awaken our sympathy, and disturb the sobriety of our judgment. "Two centuries ago, the smoke of their wigwams and the fires of their councils rose in every valley, from Hudson's
1 It has often been wondered how the aborigines of America came to he called Indians; some have supposed it to be a popular appellation arising from their dark color. In a copy of Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, Antwerp, 1583, by Abraham Ortelius, geographer to the king, there is a map entitled Typis Orbis Terrarum, in which I find America called America sive India Nova. How it came to get the name of India Nova is another question.
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Bay to the furthest Florida, from the ocean to the Mississippi and the lakes. The shouts of victory and the war-dance rang through the mountains and glades. The thick arrows and the deadly tomahawk whistled through the forest, and the hunter's trace from the dark encampment startled the wild beasts in their lairs. But where are they? * * * The ashes are cold on their native hearths. The smoke no longer curls round their lowly cabins. They move on, with a slow, unsteady step. The white man is upon their heels, for terror or dispatch; but they heed him not. They turn to take a last look of their deserted villages. They cast a last glance upon the graves of their fathers. They shed no tears; they utter no cries; they heave no groans. There is something in their hearts which passes speech. There is something in their looks, not of vengeance or submission, but of hard necessity, which stifles both, which chokes all utterance, which has no aim or method. It is courage absorbed in despair. They linger but for a moment. Their look is onward. They have passed the fatal stream. It shall never be repassed by them; no, never! Yet there lies not between us and them an impassable gulf. They know and feel that there is for them still one remove further, not distant nor unseen. It is to the general burial-ground of the race!"